Pisne obrazložitve glasovanja - 8. zakonodajno obdobje Sandra KALNIETE

Šis balsojums uzsāk ilgu procesu, kas noslēgsies ar EP un Padomes lēmumu piešķirt bezvīzu režīmu Kosovai. EK ziņojums apstiprina ka Kosova ir izpildījusi visus kritērijus, kas nepieciešami, lai šo procesu varētu uzsākt. Es to pilnībā atbalstu, jo Rietumbalkānu stabilizācija un tuvināšana ES ir ļoti nozīmīga mieram un stabilitātei Eiropas kaimiņos.

Šobrīd mākslinieki mūzikā, kino, rakstniecībā u. c. par savu darbu nesaņem pienācīgu atlīdzību. Gigantisko tehnoloģiju uzņēmumu pienākums būtu atbalstīt kārtību autortiesību noteikšanai, lai ieguldītais radošais darbs būtu pienācīgi apmaksāts. Neierobežota interneta lietotāju brīvība uzliek pienākumus tiem, kas no tā gūst peļņu.

. ‒ I supported the reform of the European electoral law. It modernises for the first time the rules for the election of MEPs since the adoption of the Electoral Act in 1976. It will make the elections more accessible for millions of citizens, and make their preparations and conduct more transparent. The main improvements include: giving voting rights to EU citizens residing in third countries at the time of the elections; a possibility of introducing postal and electronic voting; showing the link between national parties and candidates, and their affiliated European political parties. It also foresees a minimum deadline for the establishment of electoral lists, measures against double voting and designation of a contact authority for exchanging data on voters and candidates.

I supported the report as it takes stock of the developing relationship between the EU and NATO, particularly since the EU-NATO Joint Declaration signed in 2016, and examines the commonalities and differences of the two organisations as well as the extent of their adaptation to the new evolving and ever challenging geopolitical environment. It underlines the wide array of tools (hard and soft) that are at the disposal of both organisations, which can be deployed in order to strengthen mutual complementarity.
The more effective and efficient cooperation between the EU and NATO is not an end in itself but a means to achieve shared security priorities as well as strengthen mutual values, such as liberal democracy, multilateralism, human rights protection and the rule of law. The report underscores the importance of strong political will expressed by both Member States and Allies which is imperative for the success of the implementation of agreed commitments. This is of particular importance for the Baltic States and at times of Russia’s aggressions.

. ‒ I supported the report as it emphasises the increasing importance of the cyber—domain in security and defence matters. Cyber has been named the fifth potential threat of operation, after land, sea, air and space. As a result, the EU is increasing its attention and focus on cyber—defence related matters.
The report clearly underlines that the effective competences in the cyber—domain are with the Member States. However, it also acknowledges an important coordination role for the European level – the European Defence Agency, European Union Agency for Network and Information Security (ENISA), possible funding from the European Defence Fund and dedicated projects within the framework of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). EU-NATO cooperation in the cyber—domain has also been identified as one of the mutual priorities in the 2016 Joint Declaration.
More practical aspects of cooperation relate to: information sharing, training, operational support, attribution of cyber—attacks, capability development, critical infrastructure protection, R&D. It underscores the importance of cyber—resilience (operational task) of CSDP missions and operations, calls for this aspect to be at the centre of attention throughout the entire planning process and hails the recently launched framework for a joint EU diplomatic response to malicious cyber—activities.

I support the EP objection to authorisation of the GMO maize and the call to suspend any EC implementing decisions regarding applications for authorisation of GMOs until the authorisation procedure has been revised in such a way as to address the shortcomings of the current procedure. The procedure has to provide the basis for ensuring a high level of protection of human life and health, animal health and welfare, and environmental and consumer interests as regards genetically modified food and feed, while ensuring the effective functioning of the internal market.

I supported the report as it suggests tools to support young farmers under current CAP rules. It makes recommendations aimed at improving the existing support scheme and helping young farmers to overcome the major barriers to entering agriculture. For example, the following recommendations to be put in place – the support to CAP young farmers’ tools should continue, and the maximum level of funding be increased beyond 2%; access to land is the major barrier for young farmers and new entrants. Dealing with this problem requires re-evaluation of the direct payment scheme and creating incentives for older farmers to pass their farms on to younger generations; additional barriers to young farmers, such as access to capital, lack of business skills and insufficient succession plans need to be reduced; administrative barriers need to be reduced to give EU farmers more flexibility to respond to changing conditions on the markets with their business plans; new forms of support should be taken into account, accentuating innovative ways of sharing knowledge.

I supported the report on the Statute and funding of European political parties and European political foundations, as it entails stricter rules for accessing public money and recovering misused funds; and it enhances the transparency of the link between parties at Member State level and the European parties with which they are affiliated. It also addresses the issue of the level of EU co-financing.

I supported the report as it welcomes the fact that, according to the evaluations carried out, the three development instruments – European Development Fund (EDF), the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) and the Humanitarian Aid Instrument – are generally fit—for—purpose and aligned with the values and objectives of the Sustainable Development Goals, although they would benefit from some improvements by 2020. It also stresses the need to maintain separate development and humanitarian aid instruments in the future.

. ‒ Parliament’s own-initiative report aims at shaping the Commission’s proposals on the post-2020 MFF. Parliament calls for a decision to be taken before the end of the current parliamentary term, which will allow for the swift adoption of all sectorial regulations and the launch of the new EU programmes on 1 January 2021.
The next MFF should be set at level of 1.3% of the GNI of the EU-27. The common agricultural policy and cohesion policy should continue to be financed at the current level for the EU-27 and a substantial increase of resources should be allocated to face new challenges, notably in the fields of security, defence and migration.

. ‒ It is important to foster EU level cooperation - we need ‘more Europe’ to provide more reliable, more independent and less costly technology. The EU engagement in defence will provide Member States with a stronger incentive for developing and buying European defence products. EU engagement will also support the effort necessary for structuring trans-European value chains that currently resides with the defence industry. Where governments work together in developing defence capabilities, so do the value chain actors in developing defence products. Cooperation provides essential added value in responding to EU citizens’ need for security and consolidating the EU’s position. This Programme should be a means of strengthening EU independence in the area of defence. The competitiveness of the defence industry will be judged by its capacity to innovate and adapt to technological developments. Appropriate funding is needed for this programme.

Turkey is our neighbour and an important partner. A close cooperation unites us and it wants to become an EU Member State. In this regard, breaches of human rights, of which the numbers are constantly rising, are not understandable or acceptable.

Es neatbalstu EP ieceri nākošajās vēlēšanās 51 deputātu ievēlēt no t. s. “pārnacionālajiem” Eiropas partiju sarakstiem. Laikā, kad mēs ar vienu roku cenšamies pietuvināt ES institūcijas pilsoņiem, ar otru roku radīt nesaprotamu un no pilsoņiem tālu sistēmu EP deputātu ievēlēšanai ir pilnīgi nepareizi. Šāda sistēma ir pārāk sarežģīta un ir pretrunā ar dažādajiem vēlēšanu modeļiem dažādajās dalībvalstīs. Nemaz nerunājot par to, ka praktiski samazināsies nelielo dalībvalstu pārstāvniecība un pilsoņi būs spiesti balsot par kandidātiem, kurus viņi pilnīgi nepazīst. Pie tam jau šobrīd Eiropas likumi ļauj dažādu ES valstu pilsoņiem kandidēt citu valstu un partiju sarakstos. “Pārnacionālo” EP vēlēšanu organizēšana ir klasisks piemērs tam, kā pārliecīga centība demokrātisku teoriju ieviešanā noved pie praktiskas demokrātijas samazināšanās un pilsoņu un institūciju atsvešināšanās.

Es balsoju pret PETI komitejas rezolūcijas priekšlikumu par minoritāšu aizsardzību un nediskriminēšanu ES dalībvalstīs, jo tās teksts ietver nepamatotu atsauci uz nepilsoņu situāciju Latvijā un Igaunijā. Nepilsoņi kā koncepts neiederas rezolūcijā par minoritātēm, un tādējādi tiek kompromitēta šī rezolūcija, nepatiesi norādot uz Latviju un Igauniju kā problēmvalstīm. Pilsonība ir katras valsts un katra cilvēka individuālas izvēles rezultāts. Valsts uzdevums ir nodrošināt iespējas kļūt par tās pilsoņiem.

Lai risinātu ekonomiskās, sociālās un ar migrāciju saistītās problēmas, ko nereti papildina ieilgušas krīzes, nepieciešama labāka Āfrikas Savienības un ES sadarbība. EP aicina izstrādāt jaunu ES un Āfrikas sadarbības stratēģiju. Būtiskākie priekšlikumi ir: veidot dialogu par labu pārvaldību, demokrātiju, tiesiskumu, cilvēktiesībām un cīņu pret korupciju, piesaistot attīstības palīdzību šo nosacījumu izpildei; ciešā sadarbībā ar Āfrikas un starptautiskajiem partneriem palielināt Eiropas miera un drošības uzturēšanas aktivitātes; palielināt atbalstu ilgtspējīgai zemkopībai, nelielām saimniecībām, nacionālajām izglītības sistēmām un cīņai pret klimata pārmaiņām; uzsākt intensīvu ES un Āfrikas Savienības dialogu, pirms 2018. gadā tiek sāktas ANO sarunas par migrācijas un bēgļu jautājumiem. Turklāt es uzskatu, ka attīstības palīdzībai ir jābūt atkarīgai no sadarbības migrācijas jautājumos.

Es atbalstu ieceri līdz ar 2022. gadu pilnībā aizliegt glifosāta herbicīdus un noteikt ierobežojumus vielas izmantošanai līdz tam brīdim. Herbicīda izmantošana ir pretrunīgi vērtēta. ES herbicīda kaitīguma izvērtēšanā būtu jāizmanto tikai publicēti, zinātniski recenzēti un neatkarīgi pētījumi, ko pasūtījušas kompetentas publiskās iestādes. ES vajadzētu izstrādāt plānu vielas pakāpeniskai izņemšanai no aprites, sākot ar pilnīgu aizliegumu to izmantot mājsaimniecībās un tādos gadījumos, kad nezāles iespējams apkarot ar bioloģiskām alternatīvām.

Es atbalstīju rezolūciju, jo uzskatu, ka ES jāiegulda vairāk līdzekļu kiberdrošībā, lai novērstu uzbrukumus būtiskai infrastruktūrai un mēģinājumus destabilizēt sabiedrību. Ņemot vērā kibernoziegumu pārrobežu raksturu, ir svarīgi veicināt sadarbību un informācijas apmaiņu starp policiju, tiesu iestādēm un kibernoziedzības jomas ekspertiem, lai veiktu efektīvu izmeklēšanu kibertelpā un iegūtu elektroniskus pierādījumus. Tas, citu ieteikumu starpā, nozīmē sekmēt informācijas apmaiņu ar Eurojust , Eiropola un ENISA starpniecību, piešķirt Eurojust un Eiropolam pienācīgus resursus, palielināt ieguldījumus izglītībā, lai mazinātu kvalificētu IKT profesionāļu trūkumu, dalībvalstu sadarbību ar IKT drošības kopienu un iesaistīties tā dēvēto labdabīgo hakeru darbību veicināšanā un ziņošanā par nelikumīgu saturu.

I voted in favour of the report as it is a timely stocktaking exercise of the state of political relations between the EU and India against the backdrop of negotiations on the new the free trade agreement and the EU - India Strategic Partnership. The EP fully supports a truly strategic partnership with India, as the full potential of this relationship has not been developed. The report advocates for a stronger and deeper partnership between the EU and India, highlighting potential areas for closer cooperation, such as trade, security, the fight against terrorism, migration and mobility, the transfer of technology and culture, climate change, development, energy, water and data protection. It also urges to restart EU-India human rights dialogues paused since 2013.

This legislative proposal integrates greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) and removals from land use, land use-change and forestry (LULUCF) into the 2030 climate and energy framework. LULUCF, under which Member States have to ensure a balance of CO2 emissions and absorptions in the sector, is a part of the EU climate package. The proposed regulation establishes a legal framework for the sector from 2021 onwards as the Member States account for it under the Kyoto Protocol until 2020.
I supported the proposal, as Parliament’s compromise regarding the key issue – the forest reference levels – was optimal. It ensures that forests are managed in a sustainable and active way.

The autonomous trade measures (ATM) for Ukraine are proposed in view of the difficult economic situation in the country, with the aim to support its economic reform efforts and the development of closer economic relations with the EU. Ukraine faces the illegal annexation of Crimea and ongoing military conflict as well as trade restrictive measures imposed by the Russian authorities. All these measures have strongly contributed to the shrinking of the Ukrainian economy. The ATMs are proposed for three years. I support the trilogue outcome on support for Ukraine.