3

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Does the New EU Global Strategy Deliver on Security and Defence?

06-09-2016

The Global Strategy for the EU’s Foreign and Security Policy presented by High Representative Federica Mogherini on 28 June 2016 sets out a ‘Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe’, in response to the Member States’ request for a new framework in which the EU can tackle the challenges and key changes to the EU’s environment identified in a strategic assessment carried out in 2015. Many expectations were raised ahead of its publication but it soon became clear that defence would be a central ...

The Global Strategy for the EU’s Foreign and Security Policy presented by High Representative Federica Mogherini on 28 June 2016 sets out a ‘Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe’, in response to the Member States’ request for a new framework in which the EU can tackle the challenges and key changes to the EU’s environment identified in a strategic assessment carried out in 2015. Many expectations were raised ahead of its publication but it soon became clear that defence would be a central element of the Global Strategy. A number of defence priorities emerged from the exchanges between the main stakeholders: a central role for the common security and defence policy (CSDP); a clear level of ambition with tools to match; emphasis on EU-NATO cooperation; and concrete follow-up measures such as a ‘White Book’ on European defence. Seen in this light, the Global Strategy captures the urgent need to face the challenges of today’s environment and it may prove to be a major turning point in EU foreign policy and security thinking. It emphasizes the value of hard power — including via a strong partnership with NATO — along with soft power. It will not be easy for the Member States to match the level of ambition set in the Global Strategy and its success will be judged in terms of the follow-up and the measures taken to implement it. Could the first step be a White Book on European Defence?

Internal Borders in the Schengen Area: Is Schengen Crisis-Proof?

15-06-2016

This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizen’s Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, analyses the Schengen area in the wake of the European ‘refugee crisis’ and other recent developments. With several Member States reintroducing temporary internal border controls over recent months, the study assesses compliance with the Schengen governance framework in this context. Despite suggestions that the end of Schengen is nigh or arguments ...

This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizen’s Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, analyses the Schengen area in the wake of the European ‘refugee crisis’ and other recent developments. With several Member States reintroducing temporary internal border controls over recent months, the study assesses compliance with the Schengen governance framework in this context. Despite suggestions that the end of Schengen is nigh or arguments that there is a need to get ‘back to Schengen’, the research demonstrates that Schengen is alive and well and that border controls have, at least formally, complied with the legal framework. Nonetheless, better monitoring and democratic accountability are necessary.

Autor externo

Elspeth Guild (CEPS ; Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands and Queen Mary University of London, the UK), Sergio Carrera (CEPS ; Maastricht University Queen Mary University of London, the UK), Lina Vosyliūtė (CEPS), Kees Groenendijk (Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands), Evelien Brouwer (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands), Didier Bigo (Centre d'études sur les conflits, liberté et sécurité - CCLS ; King’s College London, the UK), Julien Jeandesboz (Université Libre de Bruxelles - ULB ; CCLS) and Médéric Martin-Mazé (King’s College ; CCLS)

The Visegrád group [What Think Tanks are thinking]

29-04-2016

The Visegrád Group, also called the Visegrád Four (or V4) brings together the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The informal alliance was created in the early 1990s to discuss their approach to European integration and to hasten the process. After joining the EU in 2004, the group has been focusing on advancing cultural, economic, energy and military cooperation. The V4 leaders and ministers meet regularly, often seeking to forge a common position on issues debated in the EU fora, most ...

The Visegrád Group, also called the Visegrád Four (or V4) brings together the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The informal alliance was created in the early 1990s to discuss their approach to European integration and to hasten the process. After joining the EU in 2004, the group has been focusing on advancing cultural, economic, energy and military cooperation. The V4 leaders and ministers meet regularly, often seeking to forge a common position on issues debated in the EU fora, most recently for example on migration or terrorism. This note offers links to recent commentaries, studies and reports from major international think tanks on the Visegrad group, its internal relations and its role within the EU.

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