30

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Područje politike
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Discharge for 2017 budget – European Commission and executive agencies

21-03-2019

During the March II plenary session, the European Parliament is expected to decide whether to grant discharge for the 2017 financial year to the different institutions and bodies of the European Union (EU). The debate will start with the report covering the European Commission (plus six executive agencies), which manages the biggest share of the EU general budget. Separate discharge is granted to the Commission concerning the management of the European Development Funds (EDFs), because the EDFs are ...

During the March II plenary session, the European Parliament is expected to decide whether to grant discharge for the 2017 financial year to the different institutions and bodies of the European Union (EU). The debate will start with the report covering the European Commission (plus six executive agencies), which manages the biggest share of the EU general budget. Separate discharge is granted to the Commission concerning the management of the European Development Funds (EDFs), because the EDFs are not part of the general budget of the EU but based on intergovernmental agreement. The Committee on Budgetary Control (CONT) has recommended that the plenary should grant the Commission and all six executive agencies discharge for 2017, and also to grant discharge in respect of the implementation of the operations of the 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th EDFs in that year.

Senegal: bastion of democracy, migration priority for the EU

06-02-2018

Senegal is one of the most politically stable countries in Africa. Free and fair presidential elections in March 2012, for which the EU deployed an Election Expert Mission (EEM), brought Macky Sall to the presidency. The regular organisation of legislative elections, political pluralism, a free press, and a vibrant civil society are all proof of Senegal's democratic culture. Senegal has a long tradition of migration to the EU and other African countries, and today 5 % of its population live abroad ...

Senegal is one of the most politically stable countries in Africa. Free and fair presidential elections in March 2012, for which the EU deployed an Election Expert Mission (EEM), brought Macky Sall to the presidency. The regular organisation of legislative elections, political pluralism, a free press, and a vibrant civil society are all proof of Senegal's democratic culture. Senegal has a long tradition of migration to the EU and other African countries, and today 5 % of its population live abroad. Remittances account for more than 10 % of GDP. As a priority partner in the Migration Partnership Framework, Senegal has been constructive in the political dialogue on migration, while maintaining its position that more should be done on legal migration into the EU. Senegal is one of the main benificiaries of the EU Trust Fund. Development cooperation, still at the core of relations with Senegal, has been structured to ensure increased coordination between the EU, Member States, and the Senegalese authorities. The challenge going forward will be to ensure that Senegal honours its commitments on the readmission of irregular migrants, and encourage progress on human rights.

Discharge for 2015 budget – European Commission and executive agencies

21-04-2017

During the April II plenary session, the European Parliament is expected to decide whether to grant discharge for the 2015 financial year to the different institutions and bodies of the European Union (EU). The debate will start with the report covering the European Commission (plus six executive agencies) which manages the biggest share of the EU general budget. Separate discharge is granted to the Commission concerning the management of the European Development Funds (EDFs), because the EDFs are ...

During the April II plenary session, the European Parliament is expected to decide whether to grant discharge for the 2015 financial year to the different institutions and bodies of the European Union (EU). The debate will start with the report covering the European Commission (plus six executive agencies) which manages the biggest share of the EU general budget. Separate discharge is granted to the Commission concerning the management of the European Development Funds (EDFs), because the EDFs are not part of the general budget of the EU but based on intergovernmental agreement. The Committee on Budgetary Control (CONT) recommends the plenary should grant the Commission and all six executive agencies discharge for 2015, and also to grant discharge in respect of the implementation of the operations of the 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th EDFs in that year.

Possible impacts of Brexit on EU development and humanitarian policies

05-04-2017

Brexit could have a major impact on EU development and humanitarian policies. However, although Brexit is highly likely to happen, there are still uncertainties about the UK’s new foreign policy approach and its repercussions on aid. The UK may act under three different scenarios (nationalist, realist, cosmopolitan) with different consequences for EU aid. The UK’s leaving would challenge the EU’s role as the world’s leading donor: EU aid may decrease by up to 3 % and it could lose between 10 % and ...

Brexit could have a major impact on EU development and humanitarian policies. However, although Brexit is highly likely to happen, there are still uncertainties about the UK’s new foreign policy approach and its repercussions on aid. The UK may act under three different scenarios (nationalist, realist, cosmopolitan) with different consequences for EU aid. The UK’s leaving would challenge the EU’s role as the world’s leading donor: EU aid may decrease by up to 3 % and it could lose between 10 % and 13 % of its world aid share. Its presence, through ODA, in neighbouring countries throughout Eastern Europe and North Africa could be particularly affected, with a cut of between 1 % and 4 %, depending on different scenarios. The EU could react to Brexit by adopting two distinct approaches to foreign policy and development cooperation: either limiting its role to that of a regional power or growing to become a global leader. In the first approach, Brexit would have a very mild effect and would lead to very few policy challenges. However, in the second, the EU would need to compensate for the loss of Britain’s contribution to EU aid, both in quantitative and qualitative terms.

Vanjski autor

Iliana OLIVIÉ, senior analyst, and Aitor PÉREZ, senior research fellow, Elcano Royal Institute, Spain

State of Play of EU-Mauritania Relations

23-02-2017

Mauritania, an important ally of the EU in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel, faces several inter-related development challenges: ensuring an efficient use of the revenue derived from natural resources, economic diversification and improved governance. The severity of these development challenges is increased by difficult political relations between the three main ethnic groups in the country, the dominant group being the Arab-Berber Bidhan. They constitute less than one-third of the country ...

Mauritania, an important ally of the EU in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel, faces several inter-related development challenges: ensuring an efficient use of the revenue derived from natural resources, economic diversification and improved governance. The severity of these development challenges is increased by difficult political relations between the three main ethnic groups in the country, the dominant group being the Arab-Berber Bidhan. They constitute less than one-third of the country’s population, but dominate economically and politically. The Haratin, the largest group in the country, is made up of descendants of black Africans enslaved by the Bidhan (freed or still enslaved). The third group in the country is the West Africans or Black Mauritanians. Mauritania’s post-independence history is marked by repeated attempts by this group to assert its non-Arab identity and claim for a more equitable share of political and economic power. The tension that these divisions create is a problem in itself, but they can also be appropriated by violent Islamist insurgencies in the region. The urgency of this challenge is further complicated by the likelihood of increased climate change effects that the country is currently not adequately prepared for. This study therefore discusses the main political, economic and development challenges that contemporary Mauritania is faced with, illustrating how these challenges can only be properly grasped with consideration to their historical evolution. Based on this, the study investigates the current basis for EU-Mauritania relations and suggests a select number of policy areas for consideration, as this relationship continues to evolve around issues of mutual concern such as security and development.

Addressing Developing Countries’ Challenges in Free Trade Implementation

02-02-2017

The present study places the potential effects of Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) liberalisation on government revenue in signatory states within the broader context of regional integration and global liberalisation. Based on a review of the secondary literature it finds that the revenue effect may be severe in some, but by no means all, cases and that the forecasts now need to be updated by country-level studies using the details of liberalisation schedules actually agreed. The evidence also ...

The present study places the potential effects of Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) liberalisation on government revenue in signatory states within the broader context of regional integration and global liberalisation. Based on a review of the secondary literature it finds that the revenue effect may be severe in some, but by no means all, cases and that the forecasts now need to be updated by country-level studies using the details of liberalisation schedules actually agreed. The evidence also suggests that poor countries find it very hard to replace government revenue lost through liberalisation but that where there have been successes the measures taken include those needed to increase any gains from regional and global trade integration. Such reforms require sustained commitment (by donors and recipients) over many years. The stresses created by EPAs (and regional liberalisation) increase the need for such commitment; but they also offer an opportunity since they include an appropriate framework for providing appropriate assistance. Yet data on flows of aid for trade do not indicate that an adequate commitment has yet been made. Six recommendations are made on actions that the European Parliament might champion to reduce the risks of an ‘EPA revenue squeeze’ in ways that support recipients’ capacity to benefit from greater regional and global integration.

Vanjski autor

Isabella MASSA and Christopher STEVENS (Overseas Development Institute)

Does the EU Have the Right Instruments to Finance Assistance in Protracted Crises and the Needs of Upper Middle Income Countries?

14-11-2016

This study pays critical attention to two specific issue areas, which the financing instruments ought to be concerned with: First, the EU has developed tools and instruments to react to and prevent ‘protracted crises’. The results of this study show that the current set of instruments forms a good basis to the challenges associated with protracted crisis. In fact, no new instrument is needed to specifically address protracted crises. However, the operationalisation of instruments should be optimised ...

This study pays critical attention to two specific issue areas, which the financing instruments ought to be concerned with: First, the EU has developed tools and instruments to react to and prevent ‘protracted crises’. The results of this study show that the current set of instruments forms a good basis to the challenges associated with protracted crisis. In fact, no new instrument is needed to specifically address protracted crises. However, the operationalisation of instruments should be optimised. There is a clear need to find more sophisticated approaches that can establish a more holistic response to the various dimensions of protracted crises throughout the conflict cycle. In light of this, substantial improvements should be made to the responsiveness, flexibility, coherence and complementarity of the EU response in support of resilience. A critical point is that better incentives should be provided for long-term instruments to flexibly engage in protracted crises, including through support to peacebuilding, conflict prevention, post-crisis reconstruction and resilience. Second, the study focuses on the specific case of Upper Middle Income Countries (UMICs). The study acknowledges the importance and relevance of the ‘differentiated approach’ while also identifying some of the many problems which concern UMICs: first, the study shows that the Partnership Instrument has so far mainly targeted EU Strategic Partners, while thematic and regional programmes of the DCI hardly fill in the gap left following the graduation of some countries from bilateral aid programmes. The analysis also notes that exceptions which have been granted to some UMICs are strongly problematic. The analysis, however, also points to the fact that the question remains whether these exceptions will be extended to the period 2017-2020. While there is a clear need for a better coherence and coordination, the study argues that there is currently no need for the creation of a new instrument which would exclusively target UMICs.

Vanjski autor

Matthieu BURNAY (University of Leuven, Belgium), Matthias DENECKERE (European Centre for Development Policy Management, Maastricht, the Netherlands), Kolja RAUBE (University of Leuven, Belgium) and Volker HAUCK (European Centre for Development Policy Management, Maastricht, the Netherlands)

Counter-terrorist sanctions regimes: Legal framework and challenges at UN and EU levels

20-10-2016

Targeted sanctions against individuals and entities suspected of supporting terrorism are an important part of the United Nations Security Council's counter-terrorism programme. Under the main counter-terrorist sanctions regimes created under Chapter VII of the United Nations (UN) Charter, UN member states are obliged to impose an asset freeze, travel ban and arms embargo on persons and entities designated by the United National Security Council (UNSC), and also to take all necessary domestic measures ...

Targeted sanctions against individuals and entities suspected of supporting terrorism are an important part of the United Nations Security Council's counter-terrorism programme. Under the main counter-terrorist sanctions regimes created under Chapter VII of the United Nations (UN) Charter, UN member states are obliged to impose an asset freeze, travel ban and arms embargo on persons and entities designated by the United National Security Council (UNSC), and also to take all necessary domestic measures to criminalise support of terrorism and to establish their own sanctions systems. The European Union (EU) implements all UN Security Council-imposed sanctions and has also instituted its own autonomous counter-terrorist restrictive measures regime. However, both the UN and EU sanctions regimes have been severely criticised for infringing key fundamental rights, including due process rights. Legal challenges before national and regional courts prompted a series of procedural reforms, but critics still consider the regimes to fall short of accepted standards. The EU Court of Justice (CJEU) has been the leading jurisdiction to perform reviews of counter-terrorist sanctions, but the secrecy surrounding listings has impeded review of cases on the merits. Nevertheless, the CJEU has repeatedly annulled restrictive measures on procedural grounds, and in the process, affirmed the autonomy of the EU legal order. It is argued that, until the UNSC allows for judicial review, counter-terrorist sanctions will continue to be contested both in court and in the political arena.

ACP-EU relations beyond 2020

27-09-2016

Twenty-eight European Union (EU) Member States and 78 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries are legally bound by the provisions of the Cotonou Agreement, with its three intertwined pillars: a political dimension, development strategies and economic and trade cooperation. In February 2020, the Cotonou Agreement will expire and a new relationship has to be designed, taking into account the achievements and shortcomings of the agreement. The EU position is expected by May 2017. The European ...

Twenty-eight European Union (EU) Member States and 78 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries are legally bound by the provisions of the Cotonou Agreement, with its three intertwined pillars: a political dimension, development strategies and economic and trade cooperation. In February 2020, the Cotonou Agreement will expire and a new relationship has to be designed, taking into account the achievements and shortcomings of the agreement. The EU position is expected by May 2017. The European Parliament's consent will be required before a new agreement is concluded.

Public expectations and EU policies - Foreign policy

30-06-2016

Citizens who think EU engagement in foreign policy is sufficient are almost as numerous as those wishing the EU does more in this area – and nearly one fifth confess they are not able to evaluate EU action. This can be explained as the remit of EU foreign policy is not easy to identify, since it brings together missions for which the EU has full responsibility and competences shared with EU Member States, or even the UN or WTO. However, since its inception, EU foreign policy has adapted to an ever-changing ...

Citizens who think EU engagement in foreign policy is sufficient are almost as numerous as those wishing the EU does more in this area – and nearly one fifth confess they are not able to evaluate EU action. This can be explained as the remit of EU foreign policy is not easy to identify, since it brings together missions for which the EU has full responsibility and competences shared with EU Member States, or even the UN or WTO. However, since its inception, EU foreign policy has adapted to an ever-changing global context: most international issues have multiple impacts – on climate, migration flows or security – and need to be comprehensively addressed. Building on the Treaties’ provisions, the EU and its Member States are moving from ‘silo’ policies (trade, development, humanitarian aid) towards more integrated strategies.

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