41

Resultado(s)

Palavra(s)
Tipo de publicação
Domínio de intervenção
Autor
Palavra-chave
Data

Algeria and the EU: Challenges before the elections

05-12-2018

Algeria will shortly be holding elections in April 2019 that will be crucial for its future. The country did, it is true, introduce constitutional reforms in response to the Arab Spring in the region, but whether or not President Bouteflika will have a fifth term in office is still the chief cause of the uncertainly hanging over the country. Although elderly now and in frail health, the President is still the glue binding Algeria’s political system together after its terrible civil war in the 1990s ...

Algeria will shortly be holding elections in April 2019 that will be crucial for its future. The country did, it is true, introduce constitutional reforms in response to the Arab Spring in the region, but whether or not President Bouteflika will have a fifth term in office is still the chief cause of the uncertainly hanging over the country. Although elderly now and in frail health, the President is still the glue binding Algeria’s political system together after its terrible civil war in the 1990s. In this context, the Algerian equation remains a complex one with three unknown factors (youth, climate and migration) that may shape short and medium-term prospects. Algeria has a high number of young people and constant growth is needed for them to find jobs on the labour market. Young people are still not particularly engaged in Algeria’s political system and little is known about their preferences. Climate warming is a second unknown: it will have major consequences for the area and will probably push both Algeria’s population and people in the wider Sahelian region towards coastal towns, making investment in sustainable urban planning and suitable public services essential. Lastly, demographic dynamics, both as regards the country’s own population and how migration affects it, constitute an important challenge for the future. These concerns place Algeria firmly in its regional context where it plays a central role in the conflicts in the western Sahara, in relation to Libya, and in the Sahel. Algeria is also a vital partner in the fight against international terrorism. The country’s economic situation still needs to be watched: Algeria’s economy is coming under pressure from fluctuating energy prices. The Algerian authorities agree that reforms are needed but they are difficult to bring in when the State is facing a fall in revenue. The European Union is Algeria’s main trade partner and the Association Agreement provides a framework for further developing trade relations. The two partners recently opened discussions on Algeria’s tariff barriers as they do not seem to be heading in the right direction.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its relevance for the European Union

05-11-2018

Seventy years after its adoption, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has achieved all of the significance its drafters hoped it would. It has served as a foundation for the codification of human rights at global, regional and national level. Even though non-binding, many of its provisions enjoy such undisputed recognition as to be considered part of customary international law and therefore universally obligatory. In the absence of universal ratification of the human rights treaties, the Declaration ...

Seventy years after its adoption, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has achieved all of the significance its drafters hoped it would. It has served as a foundation for the codification of human rights at global, regional and national level. Even though non-binding, many of its provisions enjoy such undisputed recognition as to be considered part of customary international law and therefore universally obligatory. In the absence of universal ratification of the human rights treaties, the Declaration often remains the central reference to be invoked for the denunciation of human rights violations. The EU has fully embraced the Declaration's significance, using it to set standards in its internal legislation and international agreements, and to guide its external policy.

Indivisibility of human rights: Unifying the two Human Rights Covenants?

05-11-2018

This year we celebrate 70 years since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration, adopted on 10 December 1948 in Paris by the United Nations General Assembly, expressed an idea that was revolutionary at the time: human rights are universal, indivisible and inter-dependant, and the international community has an obligation to ensure protection of those rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic ...

This year we celebrate 70 years since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration, adopted on 10 December 1948 in Paris by the United Nations General Assembly, expressed an idea that was revolutionary at the time: human rights are universal, indivisible and inter-dependant, and the international community has an obligation to ensure protection of those rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) were intended to provide a legally binding codification of the rights listed in the Declaration. Initially drafted in 1954 as a single document, they were opened for signature and ratification separately, in 1966, and came into force in 1976, during the Cold War. In the light of the United Nations General Assembly’s 31 May 2018 mandate for reforms – aimed at simplifying, addressing fragmentation, and improving transparency and accountability – more and more stakeholders ask whether it is time to end the Cold War-era ideological division between civil and political rights, on the one hand, and economic, social and cultural rights, on the other. Apart from all United Nations' member states ratifying and implementing both covenants, a further step could be to codify the two Covenants in a single document, thereby emphasising their indivisibility and overcoming fragmentation.

Human rights in Belarus: The EU’s role since 2016

05-06-2018

This study provides an overview of the European Union’s contribution to promoting and protecting human rights in Belarus since 2016. This analysis presents the main human rights trends in Belarus, examining legislation, policy commitments and violations of human rights. While the Belarusian government has made nominal concessions towards the EU, no systemic progress in terms of human rights has been made in the post-2016 period. The study also describes and assesses the EU’s human rights promotion ...

This study provides an overview of the European Union’s contribution to promoting and protecting human rights in Belarus since 2016. This analysis presents the main human rights trends in Belarus, examining legislation, policy commitments and violations of human rights. While the Belarusian government has made nominal concessions towards the EU, no systemic progress in terms of human rights has been made in the post-2016 period. The study also describes and assesses the EU’s human rights promotion activities in bilateral EU-Belarus relations, within the context of the Eastern Partnership multilateral dimension and in regard to financial assistance. Although the EU has expanded the range of its political dialogue with Belarus since 2016, it has had very little influence over the human rights situation in the country. The EU’s impact has been limited not just because of the very nature of the Belarusian regime. EU institutions and member states have increasingly prioritised geopolitical interests as well as the stability and resilience of Belarus over human rights concerns. The EU should increase efforts to mainstream human rights in all aspects of its relations with Belarus and find a better balance between ‘normalisation’ and ‘conditionality’ based policy approaches vis-à-vis the country.

Autor externo

Gisele BOSSE, Alena VIEIRA

Political and Electoral Rights of Non-citizen Residents in Latvia and Estonia: Current Situation and Perspectives

16-05-2018

Persons with undetermined citizenship of Estonia and non-citizens of Latvia (‘respective non-citizen populations’) do not have the right to take part in the elections to the European Parliament. The position of Estonia and Latvia is that their respective non-citizen populations have certain legal links with respective States but that these populations are not their nationals. There are certain differences between persons with undetermined citizenship of Estonia and non-citizens of Latvia, both regarding ...

Persons with undetermined citizenship of Estonia and non-citizens of Latvia (‘respective non-citizen populations’) do not have the right to take part in the elections to the European Parliament. The position of Estonia and Latvia is that their respective non-citizen populations have certain legal links with respective States but that these populations are not their nationals. There are certain differences between persons with undetermined citizenship of Estonia and non-citizens of Latvia, both regarding the formal title of the status and the content of the rights (for example, Estonian non-citizen population can vote in municipal elections). The background to the status of respective non-citizen populations is set by public international law rules on the statehood of Baltic States. The mainstream position is that Baltic States were unlawfully controlled by the Soviet Union until the early 1990s, therefore Soviet-era settlers and their descendants did not have an automatic right to their nationality. There are three ways of conceptualising the legal status of the respective non-citizen populations. The Estonian and Latvian position that they have a special status has been accepted by some States and, by necessary implication, by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights. Some UN human rights institutions characterise these peoples as stateless. The third reading, suggested by certain legal writers, is that respective non-citizen populations are nationals with limited political rights.

Autor externo

Martins Paparinskis

Expansion of the concept of human rights: Impact on rights promotion and protection

20-03-2018

This report summarises the proceedings of a workshop organised by the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI). Academics, representatives of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the European External Action Service (EEAS) discussed the potential positive and negative impacts of the expansion of the human rights concept on the lives of individuals. Some of the invited experts underlined that human rights have always evolved in response to changing historical contexts and that ...

This report summarises the proceedings of a workshop organised by the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI). Academics, representatives of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the European External Action Service (EEAS) discussed the potential positive and negative impacts of the expansion of the human rights concept on the lives of individuals. Some of the invited experts underlined that human rights have always evolved in response to changing historical contexts and that, despite some potential negative effects, empirical evidence suggests that the benefits of their expansion largely outweigh the costs. Others argued that certain expansions can have the effect of diluting the human rights system altogether and can be instrumental for states willing to undermine core civil and political rights and to avoid scrutiny of their own violations. Finally, the EEAS outlined the EU’s action on human rights protection and promotion around the globe and highlighted that the EU’s priority is to continue to exercise leadership and unity on human rights matters in multilateral fora.

Autor externo

Giulia BONACQUISTI, Rosa FREEDMAN, Malcolm LANGFORD

A stable Egypt for a stable region: Socio-economic challenges and prospects

19-01-2018

Seven years after the 2011 uprising in Egypt, a combination of domestic challenges, together with instability in the Middle East and North Africa region has stalled the country’s ongoing transition. Stability in Egypt is key for the region, and the country’s international partners such as the EU have a clear interest in helping move the country towards stability and prosperity. To that end, this study investigates the main challenges facing Egypt, focusing on social, economic, political and environmental ...

Seven years after the 2011 uprising in Egypt, a combination of domestic challenges, together with instability in the Middle East and North Africa region has stalled the country’s ongoing transition. Stability in Egypt is key for the region, and the country’s international partners such as the EU have a clear interest in helping move the country towards stability and prosperity. To that end, this study investigates the main challenges facing Egypt, focusing on social, economic, political and environmental challenges. The study analyses the implications of these challenges for Egypt’s stability in the coming decades. The study then examines the key drivers of EU-Egypt relations and provides a number of policy recommendations on how the EU can support Egypt’s longer-term stability. The study argues that the EU’s economic and security engagement with Egypt should not come at the expense of supporting democracy, human rights and the rule of law. The study also argues that EU programmatic assistance to Egypt should focus on youth, women, education, and entrepreneurship. Finally, the study also argues that the EU’s engagement is likely to be more successful if EU member states are more unified in their approach towards Egypt.

Sakharov Prize Finalists 2017

04-12-2017

Short presentation of two Sakharov Prize Finalists 2017.

Short presentation of two Sakharov Prize Finalists 2017.

EU-Cuba relations: a new chapter begins

18-07-2017

The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between the EU and Cuba, endorsed by the European Parliament (EP) on 5 July 2017, opens a new phase in EU-Cuba relations. Until now Cuba was the only country in Latin America without a cooperation or political dialogue agreement with the EU. The PDCA creates a framework for political dialogue and closer bilateral cooperation, including in trade. The parts of the agreement (mostly related to cooperation and trade issues) that fall within EU competence ...

The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between the EU and Cuba, endorsed by the European Parliament (EP) on 5 July 2017, opens a new phase in EU-Cuba relations. Until now Cuba was the only country in Latin America without a cooperation or political dialogue agreement with the EU. The PDCA creates a framework for political dialogue and closer bilateral cooperation, including in trade. The parts of the agreement (mostly related to cooperation and trade issues) that fall within EU competence can already be applied provisionally, but the agreement will only enter into force in full after it has been ratified in all the EU Member States. Since negotiations on the PDCA began in 2014, Cuba’s relations with the EU and individual Member States have intensified considerably. For the EU, the PDCA is a tool for supporting a process of change and modernisation in Cuba, while for Cuba it represents the ‘normalisation’ of the relationship with an important economic and trade partner and helps it to diversify its external relations. Parliament will focus, in monitoring the implementation of the PDCA, on two areas of particular concern to the EP: human rights and civil liberties on Cuba, and the role of Cuban civil society.

Shrinking space for civil society: the EU response

12-04-2017

The EU has developed an impressive range of policy tools for pushing back against restrictions on civil society across the world. It has gradually improved the way it deploys these instruments and has helped protect many activists at risk. Notwithstanding this, the EU needs to sharpen its ‘shrinking space’ strategy. This study suggests a range of precise policy changes it should contemplate to this end. It advocates a number of strategic guidelines that could help make the EU’s responses more proactive ...

The EU has developed an impressive range of policy tools for pushing back against restrictions on civil society across the world. It has gradually improved the way it deploys these instruments and has helped protect many activists at risk. Notwithstanding this, the EU needs to sharpen its ‘shrinking space’ strategy. This study suggests a range of precise policy changes it should contemplate to this end. It advocates a number of strategic guidelines that could help make the EU’s responses more proactive; better able to tackle the broad structural elements of the shrinking space; fully balanced between political and development approaches; and geared towards building more inclusive alliances against new restrictions on civil society.

Autor externo

Richard YOUNGS (Senior Fellow at Carnegie Europe, Belgium and Professor at the University of Warwick, United Kingdom) and Ana ECHAGÜE (independent consultant)

Futuros eventos

22-09-2020
How to secure access to COVID-19 vaccines for EU citizens
Audição -
ENVI ITRE
23-09-2020
EPRS online policy roundtable: The United Nations at 75
Outro evento -
EPRS
24-09-2020
AFCO: Hearing on Transnational lists and the Spitzenkandidaten principle
Audição -
AFCO

Parceiros